THIS IS A CONTROVERSY FRIENDLY BLOG

The people who runs this blog do not necessarily agree with everything that may be said. The contents and ideas of each article or piece of writting are the exclusive responsibility of their authors.

Our aim is to promote debate about anarchist theory and action in order to come up with better ways of carrying on with our struggle.

Controversy is welcome as long as it is done in a respectful fashion. In these times where none of the means and theoretical approaches applied before seem to work appropriately in our everyday activity we badly need to come out with some kind of common ground among different branches and schools of thought within anarchim.

Of course this will never be achieved if our discussions do not take place in a friendly and respectful environment beyond our different opinions and praxis.

All your suggestions, opinions, articles, criticisms... can be send at the following e-mail address:

sodiumpump@gmail.com

...they will get promptly posted in this blog.

Let's then debate...

Gert from the well and his 69 different personalities.

Winter, Year 26 of the Orwell Age. (2010 of the obsolete Christian Era).

Sunday, 13 March 2011

VEGANISM IS A CONSUMER ACTIVITY (by Peter Gelderloos)



The fact of the matter is, capitalism treats animals horribly. While many civilizations have normalized abusive behavior towards animals, capitalism tops them all in the intensity, frequency, and invisibility of apathetic exploitation mixed with repeated moments of sadistic cruelty. And while many civilizations have also destroyed their local environments, capitalism, as a global system with an unprecedented level of technological power, is the first to carry ecocide to a global scale. Sheerly in underspoken quantitative terms, the biodiversity and biomass of Planet Earth today is the lowest it has ever been in human history. There is obviously a connection between capitalism's abuse of animals, its destruction of the environment, and its oppression and abuse of humans.

Because a large portion of the abuse of animals is caused by the meat industry, many concerned people automatically respond with a prohibition on the consumption of meat. A lack of history, of knowledge of the diversity of human societies, of understanding of capitalism—even of what consumption is—and lingering Christian morality, have fiercely conflated a concern for animals with veganism. But a vegan diet is not the only logical response to ecocide and animal abuse, while veganism as a political position is often blinding and counterproductive.

The crux of the matter is, veganism is a consumer activity. It is ultimately an attempt to change capitalism and human civilization through the exercise of one's privileges as a consumer. This is an impossible approach. To understand why, let's first define the problem.

Meat production as it exists in industrial capitalist society is inherently cruel. It cannot be made otherwise. Any time an animal must be transformed into a product and processed according to market logic, the most heartless and unfeeling kinds of exploitation will be utilized as a matter of course, as a business necessity, while simultaneously the workers in this industry will lash out in frequent moments of sadism—this is the inevitable psychological response of humans who must act as machines.

Thus, a vegan diet may be seen as a sensible response by people who want to minimize their involvement with the meat industry in an industrial capitalist society. But this is not a universal context, whereas veganism markets itself as a universal solution. PETA has declared that you can't be a meat-eating environmentalist, and most vegans believe this line or toe it explicitly. What vegans have failed to think out is that industrial capitalism has not existed forever, nor have human societies always been ecocidal or abusive towards animals. In fact, to avoid eurocentric conclusions vegans must admit that the first and the very best environmentalists eat meat. I refer to a number of indigenous societies, past and present, that have the best track record of living in harmony with the environment and seeing other species as their extended families. Especially since vegans put so much emphasis on the impacts of an individual's lifestyle, they (being nearly all residents of wealthy countries) are deluding themselves and the broader communities to which they advertise their image as the preeminent environmentalists, considering that these omnivorous non-capitalist societies had a much lower ecological footprint and a much deeper affinity for animals than anyone socialized in an industrial society can ever gain in their lifetimes.

A few vegans have pointed out in their literature that in fact some indigenous societies living in harmony with nature have practiced a vegan diet, therefore... This is the sort of ignorant statement that makes one want to bang his head against a wall. (For one, I've never seen evidence to back the claim up, and it could easily be another of the spurious factoids that some vegans disseminate). What the proponents of this view fail to understand is that a lifestyle is not (until recently, in some parts of the world) a consumer choice. In eco-harmonious societies, lifestyles or economies (including diet) derive from different ways of relating to the natural environment that prove to be sustainable over time. In other words, outside of consumerism, possible lifestyles vary according to local environmental conditions. In most parts of the world, a vegan lifestyle is simply not sustainable: foods, fuels, and materials for clothing and tools would have to be imported. This is to say, in most parts of the world it is more ecologically sustainable for humans to kill animals. Beyond hunter-gatherer economies, horticultural and agricultural systems are also often healthier with the integration of animals.

Another vegan argument that makes sense in an industrial capitalist society but not in an ecologically sustainable society is that meat consumption contributes to world hunger and destruction of the environment because domesticated animals require a huge amount of resources to feed them. A vegetarian requires x number of acres to meet her dietary needs whereas a meat eater requires x times ten. This is absolutely true in the idiotically organized system of industrial agriculture, but not necessarily true in other circumstances. On a permaculture farm in many climates, for example, integrating chickens into the farm enhances rather than diminishes the food supply. While a factory farm would require hundreds of acres of, say, soybean crops to feed the thousands of chickens they keep locked up, a few dozen chickens on a small permaculture farm are a part of the ecosystem. A tiny portion of the produce must be devoted just for chicken food, but the vast majority of their nutrition comes from the food waste of the human inhabitants of the farm (the compost) and especially from the farm itself. After the harvest of a particular vegetable bed, the chickens are turned loose in it. They eat all the scraps, the parts of the plants the humans don't eat, and they eat the bugs, meanwhile scratching up (aerating) the soil and pooping in it (fertlizing), increasing fertility and thus increasing the total amount of food, which is further supplemented with their eggs and, potentially but not necessarily, their meat. A farm is healthier when it is tended and allowed to develop as a miniature ecosystem (and these methods of farming will constitute the agriculture of the future if humans are to have a future) and ecosystems are not complete without animal involvement.

Vegans, and all of us, should be more aware that it is very easy to farm a piece of land to death with only corn, or wheat, or any other monocrop. On land that has been farmed to death, as well as much arid land in the world, the only thing that can grow is grass. Farming is practically impossible. But one farming practice that can restore the health of the land is cattle farming. Herd animals are native to arid grasslands, and with the guidance of permaculture practices, cows or other herd animals can be raised without damaging the environment, and if we are talking about over-farmed land in a temperate, moist climate, sustainable cattle farming can heal the land to the point where vegetable farming can again take place. For another writing project, I interviewed an ecological cattle farmer in western Virginia whose family had gotten some land that had been farmed to death, and after a few decades of sustainable cattle farming using herding practices that mimick grazing patterns in a state of nature (as well as a philosophy that he was a “grass farmer,” i.e. growing healthy grass that would sustain the cows rather than producing cow meat as conventional farmers view it), earthworm growth and levels of organic matter in the soil reached superlative levels, while several ravines that had been caused by erosion naturally filled in. In the end, ecological animal herding can reverse desertification, increase the total amount of arable land available, and increase the total food supply.

There is no coherent morality or ethics rooted in nature that can view the killing and eating of animals as wrong. In nature, killing and eating something is a respectful, intimate activity, and a necessary part of natural cycles. Viewing this as wrong is nothing but a shockingly alienated, civilized view that domesticates animals at a metaphysical level by reducing them to quasi-citizens in need of rights. Fuck that shit. Humans and all other animals are much more free and full outside of legal frameworks, without rights, only needs and desires.

Humans have evolved as ominvores. In many parts of the world, humans are a natural predator in the native ecosystem. This is a natural role we have relinquished, often to disastrous effect. In my home, the mid-Atlantic region of North America, the overpopulation of deer is destroying what remains of the forests. Native species of trees, which they generally find the tastiest, cannot regenerate, because all the saplings get eaten up in the winter. I myself have tried to reforest part of a watershed in suburban Virginia which I personally protected from lawnmowers, only to have the deer destroy the trees and preserve the reign of monoculture grass yards. The lack of forested areas along river valleys is a major factor in killing the Chesapeake Bay, which is one of the most important breeding grounds for marine life in the North Atlantic. My grandparents live on the Chesapeake, and they and many of their friends used to harvest small amounts of crabs, oysters, and fish, mostly for their own diet. Many of these aquatic populations have collapsed in recent years. Human consumption was a stress on the ecosystem, but the major cause of the death of the Chesapeake is pollution and runoff coming from the suburbs (where many people rich enough to consume enlightened diets douse their not-so-enlightened lawns with fertilizer and pesticides). It should be no surprise that the fishermen were some of the more vocal defenders of the Chesapeake Bay. It must also be remembered that the Chesapeake used to be literally thick with fish and shellfish, which made up an important point of the ecologically sustainable and animal friendly diet of the indigenous inhabitants.

Returning to the deer, in many parts of eastern North America their only natural predators are wolves, cougars, and humans. A few places can still support wolf and cougar populations, and these should be defended fiercely wherever they remain or are attempting to reintroduce themselves. But given human population levels on the east coast, it is impossible in most areas for wolves or cougars to take up residence. That only leaves humans. We currently have no practical solution for the high human population, though the struggle to abolish the car culture is a vital step in reducing the impact of that population. In the meantime, the ecosystem can't wait. If we did have any influence over the diets of a significant portion of our society, the best thing to do on the east coast would be to cut out consumption of tropical fruits, soy, hell, all non-local produce, and sharply reduce meat to a little bit of chicken and beef from local organic farms, and, importantly, deer, that we preferably hunt ourselves. This would be the most ecologically sustainable diet in the short term for the bioregion I live in. The vegans almost get it right on one point—the amount of meat eaten there on average is way too high—but they completely ignore another point, conveniently leaving out how much damage they are doing by the quantity of tofu and bananas most of them eat.

Veganism is a consumer choice within present day capitalist society. Stripping it of its moral universality, we can better evaluate its appropriateness, if an honest evaluation is what we actually desire.

As a political strategy, is veganism effective? (Significantly, I rarely hear vegans pose this question to themselves). I know of no general, unlimited boycott, in the long history of the boycott tactic, that has been able to eliminate an entire industry at the magnitude we're talking about, nor do I know of any partial victories that suggest it may be possible with improved efforts. Targeted boycotts can be effective, especially when backed by sabotage actions, but when the boycott is not levied against a specific target—a product or company, but against an entire industry and huge class of goods, it simply cannot work. A great example of a successful international boycott was the campaign against Shell Oil for South Africa divestment, and its most effective component were the many attacks on property. We should note that this campaign did not require participants to abstain from oil consumption, which is impossible in a capitalist society.

As an ideology, veganism fails to understand capitalism and ecology. It is incontestable that to save animals and the planet, capitalism must be abolished. Emphasizing the dubious power of consumer choices sabotages the fight against capitalism and ecocide. Existing as consumers, which is a role involuntarily imposed on all of us, is not compatible with nature, and in the long run the vegan diet is not the same as an ecological diet. The most important factors are not the presence or absence of meat, but if the food is local, and if it is sustainably produced. Today, only a limited number of people can achieve this lifestyle. The point is not to be one of those people, it is to abolish capitalism and develop ecological perspectives within anti-capitalist movements (and anti-capitalist perspectives within ecological movements, which are not one in the same only because of short-sightedness in each movement). Many vegans have done vital work spreading environmental consciousness (as have many omnivores). But as a whole veganism tends to spread a false consciousness. It misrepresents what means are capable of creating an ecological society and what lifestyles an ecological society could sustain. Vegans have spread the lie that you can't be a meat-eating environmentalist, and suppressed the truth that you can't be a capitalist environmentalist.

Instructive is the ease with which capitalism has accomodated vegan consumer choices in many countries—how easy it is now to shop vegan in the UK, Nederland, and most of the US. This encourages us to imagine, what if veganism succeeded? What if everyone or nearly everyone in wealthy countries adopted a vegan diet? The meat industry would collapse, but other industries and capitalism as a whole would continue, leaving us with the contradiction of a vegan society liberating animals in the limited sense understood by the critique of factory farming, but destroying the environment nonetheless, and all the animals with it.

Vegan or non-vegan consumers cannot destroy capitalism and save the planet, nor does veganism necessarily prefigure an ecological society. We will destroy capitalism and save the planet outside our involuntary role as consumers. Veganism as a boycott does not work. Within capitalism, a decrease in demand can lower prices, and increase total consumption. Those treacherous reformists who spread the lie of energy efficient lightbulbs and so forth have helped energy consumption skyrocket. Throughout the 80s and 90s, greater energy efficiency lowered energy prices and allowed the major consumers—the factories and shopping malls—to consume much more. Similarly, while the number of vegetarians and vegans in the US exploded from almost none to a sizeable minority in the last decades, total meat consumption did not decrease, in fact it increased. Let's be blunt. Y'all talk about saving animals but you haven't made a dent. It's much easier to be a vegan these days, capitalist production has created a niche for you, but no fewer imprisoned animals are being slaughtered in the factory process. Doesn't that highlight a need to reevaluate strategies? Or is veganism something other than an attempt to liberate animals? (More on this in the next section).

I have not seen vegans spread the awareness of the capitalist market that their strategy requires, nor engage in the amount of self-evaluation that is compatible with an honest desire to save the planet. The typical posture seems more like being on the side of the good guys as everything goes to hell.

...

...and a moral highground approaching religious proportions

For this reason, I think it is fair to point out the ways that veganism is more similar to a religion than to a liberation strategy. I think it's great for people to decide, as a personal choice, not to consume meat, especially if they could never bring themselves to kill or slaughter an animal. I personally was vegetarian for eight years, and came much closer to veganism in the last part before suddenly becoming an omnivore again in response to racist exclusions I witnessed from some white vegans. Currently, I do not consume the meat of domesticated mammals (noting that scavenging and stealing are not consumption in the capitalist sense). At a strictly personal level, I do not want to raise an animal with whom I can develop an emotional relationship, for the purpose of killing it. I could kill a bird or a fish to eat, and I have, because I do not think they are capable of recognizing me or any other individual, and therefore I cannot form an emotional relationship with them that is not narcissistic or one-sided. I also think that hunting a wild animal for food is respectful and emotionally healthy. That's just me.

Veganism dismisses personal and emotional considerations by declaring what is acceptable for everyone. This is a religious characteristic. Secondly, veganism takes moral prohibitions that are not logical within nature but only within a specific historical context and universalizes and mystifies them. Thirdly, veganism is missionary. As a fairly deserved generalization, y'all try to convert. Having been a vegetarian, I know that people in the mainstream who have never developed enough of an ecological consciousness to do so little as change their diet try to convert, marginalize, or mock veggies a whole lot more, so we can see this as a defensive reaction. But then, perhaps Christian self-righteousness also originally came out of their persecution. In the end, it doesn't matter much.

Spreading information about animal cruelty, about the meat industry, about the destruction of the environment, is admirable and necessary. Spreading the idea that there is only one way to salvation, that people need to mimic your strategy and lifestyle, is Christian. It's especially embarrassing when, as we have seen, the moral and strategic grounds aren't so well thought out.

I think the quasi-religiousness of veganism explains why I've so often encountered vegans who defend their position in an illogical, dishonest way—as a matter of faith. There's the matter of false propaganda. For one, the PETA milieu anti-fastfood rumour that KFC stopped referring to themselves as Kentucky Fried Chicken because the crap they serve doesn't even qualify as chicken anymore and they would risk lawsuits if they alleged otherwise (since when has advertising in honesty been so strictly enforced?). Actually, it's because, with the health craze, "fried" food got a bad name, hence the retreat to the initials KFC. These sort of meme attacks, while they may be very effective in the short term, damage the credibility of a movement in the long-term.

I've also had the argument with vegan and vegetarian friends who say that thanks to their diet they are not responsible for killing animals. Even after I pointed out the fallacy, they continue to chant this article of faith, though they know full well that their consumption of industrially farmed vegetables, their use of plastics, their dependence on petroleum-fueled transportation, their dependence on coal- or wind- or nuclear- or hydro- or even solar- (think mining for panel and battery construction) powered electricity kill a shitload more animals than meat factories. You cannot live in a capitalist society without killing animals and destroying the environment. We are all in this together, and the division between vegans who don't kill animals and the rest of us who are responsible for enslaving animals and destroying the environment is stupid and self-righteous.

The way many vegans respond to the embarrassing heresy of freeganism (only eating animal products if they are stolen or dumpstered) also illuminates religious illogic. How eating dumpstered or stolen meat supports the meat industry, if not on a metaphysical level, escapes me. Supposedly, stealing meat contributes to killing animals, because when meat gets taken off a supermarket shelf, they order more to replace it. However, stealing is a low-level attack on the industry, that does not contribute money to its proft margins. Stealing, unequivocaly, is not consuming. Furthermore, most supermarkets log data through the cash registers on exactly what products are purchased, thus they also can collect statistics on what products are most frequently shoplifted. These products might be attached with security tags, lowering profit margins, or they might be put in a less accessible spot, which lowers the frequency of purchase (shopping being a largely compulsive activity). It is not unheard of for a product that is robbed too frequently to be entirely removed from a supermarket's inventory.

The idea that stealing meat contributes to the industry is not only poorly thought out, but contradictory. If supermarkets use the money they receive to restock a pre-selected range of products (including meat), then that means that the money vegans spend buying lettuce also goes to buying more meat. Thus, the supermarket industry is integrated with the meat industry, and the only way to get food from supermarkets without sending your money to support this industry is to steal, which has the added benefits of undermining the imposed consumer role and putting you in conflict with capitalist society. Concomitantly, vegans who go shopping are not really vegans. How far do we take the analysis? Do the banks they put their money in invest in any supermarkets or any other industries integrated with the meat industry? Do any of the companies they work for or shop from? To great effect, the SHAC campaign has illustrated just how wide a company's economic involvements are.

Because of these missionary and universalizing tendencies, veganism creates a number of problems within a diverse anticapitalist movement. These problems are especially volatile when it comes to race, owing to a few coincidences: people of color are more likely to require meat for a healthy diet, to have a more ecologically friendly tradition of eating meat, as well as a food culture that is more rooted, less undermined by consumerism, and thus one with which they identify with more strongly. For all these reasons, vegans can come off as particularly insulting and racially exclusive when they insist that a vegan diet is healthier for everyone (not true, some people are healthier when they eat some meat) or when they propagate the peculiar mathematical view of food that a vegan meal, as a lowest common denominator, is the only dietary option that is inclusive to everyone. This is often justified with the argument that "people need to learn that a meal does not need to include meat" as though it were just some ignorant habit and not a fully developed food culture in its own right. A culturally inclusive compromise is not a vegan meal, but a meal with vegan as well as omnivorous options. Predictably, veganism misses out on the merits of pluralism in favor of a decidedly absolutist worldview.

...

Is animal liberation an oxymoron?

I don't think that animal liberationists believe they are going to end the vivisection and meat industries by rescuing imprisoned animals any more than anarchists believe we are going to abolish the state with the current level of activity we are capable of. So let me be unequivocal in stating the many strong points of animal liberation actions. These actions are brave, and more than anything today people need to be inspired. These actions are passionate, another revolutionary necessity. Even though the liberations will save a tiny number of animals from the conveyor belts of a vast death machine, each individual animal is worth saving. Such non-quantitative logic is valuable in a struggle for an anarchist world free of domination. Thirdly, the animal liberation movement has developed important tactical innovations that have spread to adjacent milieus and movements. They are also important for spreading consciousness of the viciousness of our civilization towards other living things.

My criticism of animal liberation is a minor one, and mostly meant as food for thought. Unlike veganism, animal liberation is, in my view, an important part of a full anarchist movement. As a separate movement, it faces the danger of falling into repetitive, fetishized activity carried out only for its internal moral values rather than working in conjuction with more long-term strategic approaches, but I think there is enough interchange between animal liberationists and other types of radicals to wed animal liberation to the necessity to abolish capitalism.

More problematic is animal liberation's relationship with false visions of solidarity that already predominate in many activist circles, especially more privileged circles. Technically, though at first the point seems almost petty, animal liberation is an oxymoron. Liberation, unless we mean it the way George W. Bush does, can only be accomplished by its subject. In other words, people must liberate themselves. Animals, on the other hand, cannot. Unfortunately, from here to eternity animals will never organize a social force capable of ending capitalism or even vivisection. Animals will never write letters or raise bail money for imprisoned animal liberationists. In a democratic sense, humans and animals are not equal because they cannot be co-participants in civil society with equal rights and responsibilities. But then, fuck democracy. Autonomy is a more coherent concept, and all living things deserve autonomy and control over whatever choices they are capable of making. (This does raise a moral question regarding domestication, as many animals have participated in their own domestication as an evolutionary adaptation, and well treated, especially free grazing domesticated animals will not run away, even if they have seen their broodmates slaughtered. Instead they choose to stick around with their human companions. What then do we make of their equality or autonomy?)

Animals will not liberate themselves, they must be saved. The planet must also be saved, but this does not mean these are hopelessly missionary projects, as by "save" we basically mean we must stop torturing and destroying animals and nature. Through this necessity, animal liberation promotes a false idea of solidarity that creates a very patronizing, often racist model when activists who get their feet wet with animal liberation activities attempt to work together with other human groups in struggle, if through reasons of privilege they might also be able to imagine themselves as saviors. This is not an inevitable weakness of animal liberation, just a potential consequence within revolutionary circles where animal liberation activity is much more developed and emphasized than international or cross-racial solidarity. In other words, animal liberation is obviously not responsible for the missionary impulse that is culturally ingrained in whiteness. Rather, animal liberation may be so attractive to many white radicals because it does not challenge but may promote the missionary approach to solidarity, in which a more powerful being saves an innocent but helpless being from harm.

...

In conclusion...

On an individual level, many vegans have engaged in vital work raising environmental consciousness, and they have experienced their diet as a means of reaching ethical consistency and self-discipline. But their diet has not been an asset in the struggle. For many of us it is important to live in a way we consider ethically consistent, and to attempt to prefigure the world we are struggling to create. However, an absolutist veganism is not necessary to either of these tasks, and instead impedes an accurate understanding of ecology and capitalism, while discouraging a united, pluralistic movement against capitalism.

Thursday, 20 January 2011

AGAINST WELFARE STATE, AGAINST ALL STATES (By Aiming further striking better)


Welfare state is expensive. Sooner or later it had to come to an end. So much money flushed down the toilet in order to pay the salaries of a plethora of civil servants and to maintain a complicated an inefficient bureaucratic machinery... this situation obviously had necessarily to break some day and this day has already come. The undignifying amounts of dosh paid and still to pay in taxes mostly by poor workers rather than the middle classes or the filthy rich, appears to be proving insufficient to stop the whole thing from going downhill. Ladies and gentlemen, let us say it loud and clear; there cannot be such a thing as a full return to the golden age of “Welfare state” and the living standards of that time. This system simply cannot afford it any more without sustaining gigantic deficits and violating the first and more important commandment of capitalism. That of keep accumulating profits for the very sake of it and for the luxury of an elite of privileged asses. Still it is quite possible that some of its ruins remain in place for a while in a bid to prevent more than half of the population in the UK and most of the “developed world” from taking to the streets and bringing what those in positions of power see as the Armaggedon itself, (the sweetest of the dreams for us otherwise).
Should we, nevertheless worry about this? Is the maintenance of the welfare state something worth fighting for?, has it ever been good at all?, and most importantly should we expect from a generalised deterioration of material living standards to bring ONLY BY ITSELF a social revolutionary explosion or at least a qualitative escalation in social war?

Welfare state has been from the very beginning anything but mere philanthropy. Its goal (and it must be said, its total triumph whether in its Western free-market version or in the extinct Eastern State-capitalist regimes) has been to destroy the social fabric of mutual aid and the long tradition of self-organisation that animated the old-school workers movement. To do so it has successfully managed to insert in every worker's brain the ideology of the elites, based on individualistic survival of the fittest, mistrust and competitiveness among individuals. The state has so proved highly skilful in promoting demobilisation and demoralisation, discouraging self-management from below through the implementation of liberal-reformist and social democratic policies in education, healthcare, leisure, communications, technology, urban-city planning and labour. Workers were seduced to halt any attempt of taking those issues in their own hands in order to establish dangerously autonomous, leaderless and anarchic “obscure zones” of class sociability at the core of capitalism itself thus signing their own historical capitulation. In the same token the state went from being perceived as the absolute foe to be considered as the great provider, the saviour of the poor, giving rise to the myth of the TAXPAYER as a figure of order, as a responsible “citizen” who deserves to be treated properly and looked after by his masters. The taxpayer, the citizen, nothing but an abstract entity, utterly ridiculous, gullible, always well fed, always well provided with the corresponding amount of entertainment and “services” of any kind.

Prisoner in a golden bar cage by their own choice the contemporary (and mostly urban) lowlife individual, worker or not, has been conditioned to choose a life devoid of any greatness or epic. A sad existence within the walls of a cheap cage called flat, seeing the rest of the people as an obstacle in their way to nowhere. The present members of the lower social classes have lost the courage, social intelligence, tactical prowess, sense of collectivity, street wisdom, taste for confrontation against the authorities and pride of former older generations. The oblivion of their our own history and traditions has works wonders along with the lost of oral culture and geographically defined territories, to turn them into miserable, grumpy, racist, homophobic, sexist, distrustful,highly confused and secretly coward individualist bastards. In the place formerly occupied by the old “proletariat” and its spaces of sociability, its passions, its dreams and its cultural expressions now we have the unrelenting noise and images of the mass media shaping what we are supposed to desire, what we should have become if all of us were not such a bunch of “losers”. Thus, the televised wanderings of any stupid “celebrity” are seen as good fun while anything that entails using one's brain for something apart from buying in the supermarket and one's body for something that is not slobbing out in front of the TV or “enjoying” in the pub or the disco is automatically dismissed as “boring”. Sacrifice is “uncool”, pleasure means everything for the post-modern humanoid and in the end we are all fucked. We ow it all to the welfare state as well as to our own stupidity and gregarism.

"I hate the truth, I prefer a huge dose of shit rather than the truth!" "We are nothing without our image. When you are alone, I will be too. That is what fame consists of".This shitload of pseudo-philosophical crap has been said by Lady Gaga in her concert in Barcelona on 10/12/2010. It perfectly summarises the miserable Zeitgeist of our disgusting times, the callousness, the superficiality, the cowardice implicit in the fact of preferring self-deception and evasion to confront reality as it is and fight to change it. Irresponsibility for the consequences of our own actions, narcissism and megalomania are celebrated as virtues and can even give rise to personality cults that have nothing to envy to those professed to Hitler or Stalin. Through the greatness of others we find consolation for our own insignificance. Better dreaming than suffering, better pleasure whatever the cost than any effort, better getting noticed for something no matter how stupid it might be than remain anonymous, better TV than conversation... On the sight of all this, who can possibly believe that all we need is just a handful of grim economical conditions sprinkled with a bit of rage (that of a spoiled baby who cries because mummy has not bought him a sweat this time) to effect a social change of any significance?

The worst catastrophe imposed by state and capitalism in the so-called developed countries goes far beyond themes such as unemployment or the remaining of some pockets of poverty and some groups of beggars and homeless here and there in every western megalopolis. The real catastrophe in this part of the world is a catastrophe of the spirit. This way of life is degenerating human soul and body alike by making us incapable of any effort in the pursuit of something that does not entail earning money or spending it in marijuana, beer or video-games. People have chosen to be unwilling to sacrifice anything in the pursuit of any superior achievement. We have let ourselves to be turned into selfish sub-humans always expecting to be fed by the state but absolutely unfit to fight for what we want, to communicate with each other, to even organise ourselves in the most basic daily routines without ending up in a row and splitting again. We simply expect to be served, to have it all done, rejecting effort and embracing superficial, consumerist and pointless hedonism. And of course, this general situation of anomie does not exclude at all any manifestation of the “anarchist”, “alternative” anti-capitalist and anti-parliamentarian political “opposition”. A quick glance to the pitiful state of nowadays squatter “movement” in London should suffice to prove what is being said in these lines.

Here we have the most realistic explanation for the aetiology of our present days “epidemics” of immune system deficiencies, cancer, obesity, coronary heart diseases, addictions, depression... for sure only a tiny minority of doctors would dare to tell us this openly but.. do we really need to wait for a qualified diagnostic?...

Not that anyone was warned about the coming of this dead-end by strictly anti-capitalist theories either. Since these have traditionally been so prone to rampant economicist analyses leaving the question of the state always in the background it appears that reality is prompting those among us who still think it worthy trying to effect a revolutionary change to develop a much wider view of the reality around us, getting rid of old misconceptions and theories and looking at the monster in the eyes. Perhaps by interpreting reality as it is in itself and not through the pre-established templates of any theory whatsoever we might be able to see clearer and act wiser from now on.

The material conditions in which the vast majority of people waste their lives are indeed very important in defining their behaviours, no arguing with that. However, this is never enough. It is utterly stupid to expect everything from material deprivation when we have had enough examples to appreciate what it can cause to people if acting alone. Deprived human beings can become revolutionaries much less easily than they may become heartless bastards towards each other, merciless criminals, members of gangs exploiting other poor and many other undesirable roles to play without necessarily having to openly challenge the system.


The point here is that it is not enough to oppose capitalism and its imposed material conditions alone, regarding the state as its mere “sidekick”, its “political extension”, not even its “armed faction”. In the end the really important question is that of the struggle against the state, even more than capitalism. Looking at the way in which the latter developed as a system we can see how the state (much older as an institution of power and fear than the aforementioned economical structure) has nearly always been the one backing up capitalist development, effectively imposing it through legislation and reinforcing it by physical repression when needed. Whether with or without all the social benefits in the world, the state is always present so there is not such a thing like a “weak state” for even reduced to its most basic function of sheer physical repression it always remains strong and pulling the strings one way or another. The amount of tasks that may have actually been delegated on the state does not change the basic nature of the situation but obeys to different strategic approaches that social elites may need at any given moment; from containment to open attack.

When we see how in the midst of what everyone thought would be a new wave of “cut throat” liberal “laissez faire” capitalism, the state has had to literally get out of its way to rescue banks on the brink of bankruptcy by pumping in them millions of that other abstraction known as “public money” the question automatically arises: who the hell assist whom in this game?... is the state an auxiliary of capitalism or vice versa?, what came first, the egg or the chicken?... let's leave this issue for another discussion and just retain the idea that there is much to be talked and researched on the matter as well as too many pre-assumptions blindly accepted in a regular basis.

What all those “citizens” so easily outraged when they feel that “their” tax money is being spent inappropriately do not want to realise is that the very same act of paying taxes is a theft in itself perpetrated by the State. Paying taxes is nothing but being stolen a sort of state-surplus out of our wages that subsequently will be used in whatever the state sees fit which rarely coincides with what we actually desire or need at the moment. What is more, even those applications of tax intended to “benefit” people at the bottom of society are nothing but a poisoned candy, one more weapon in the state's ample arsenal to consolidate its domination and exploitation over us by weakening our wills, seducing us with an assisted and effortless life where sensualist enjoyment has primacy over hard work towards an end and ethical rightness and directly attacking our freedom of conscience by systematic media bombardment. What looks like the nicest side of every state is nothing but its most cunning, subtle and cruel set of weapons.

The blackmailing perpetrated through social benefits and charity aims at keeping us appeased and above all, conveniently policed in an army-like nightmare of impositions and humiliations. Anything can get to be tolerated as long as we keep the crappy money they give us in the dole flowing in every week. Such is how low has got to fall the human-shaped piece of shit, lazy TV junkie, dope headed, good for nothing, obese, drunken homunculus stripped of any shade of self-respect in which we have turned ourselves into by swallowing the social-democratic promises of welfare without destroying the state. Let us then not delude ourselves and realise that the real goal of the benefit and “social security” structure is to keep us working and accepting submissively this crappy “life” chained to the filth of wage labour and the tasteless products of consumerism, making a job even out of the very same action of looking for a job.

This false and simplistic division between “state sponsored = good” versus “private capitalism = evil” has to be done away with once and for all. All along History taxes have been hated and its payment resisted against every form of state or hierarchical power. It is only nowadays, through the chimera of the welfare state, that we have been made to believe the opposite, which works only in our own detriment by weakening our rebel spirit and tempting us with the comfortability of getting fed, shut up and mind our own businesses, always in symbiosis with the state but in total mistrust towards the neighbour next door, always dependant on charity, never really free and exerting our own individual and collective power over our own matters.

Let us make no mistake and regard the Welfare state as what it is in reality, one more way to either repress or soften and seduce us, to make us run after the carrot until the moment in which carrots run out and then, all of a sudden the only thing we can see everywhere is nothing but the truncheons and tear gas of the police. It is not only capitalism what has to be destroyed, but also and above all the state.

What has to be understood once and for all is that apart from an organised resistance against capitalist economy as an unfair system of production and distribution of resources what has to be urgently developed is a NEW ETHICS OF FREEDOM entailing a taste for effort, sacrifice and hard work out of the trap of wage labour. This new lifestyle based on a dignified , uncompromising and freely assumed poverty along with a REAL PRACTICE OF MUTUAL AID AMONG PEOPLE HERE AND NOW, might well act as a real social virus through which revolutionaries actively challenge by force of exemplary behaviour the dominant convictions imposed by the state. After all, revolutionaries of all ages have always convinced other people to fight for freedom by turning themselves into living examples rather than expecting everything from a miraculous interplay of circumstances always foreign to human being's conscious everyday action. Therefore we need a change in values and behaviours strong enough to develop an authentic revolutionary will that will never be able to arise by placing all our odds in the no matter how shitty material conditions might still be to come. We have been educated to behave like filth, to give up any ethical value and principle as long as the stench of money gets in the air, to think that things have always been this way and will never change, forgetting our own history. All this crap in our heads can thwart any sincere revolutionary attempt at any moment so one of the most urgent tasks to be performed is the one of working on ourselves, taking back some proud, some courage, learn to be better persons and make a difference through our acts wherever we go and whatever we do. If we forget this we will achieve nothing and whatever happens after an insurrection caused merely by material deprivation might well be worse than capitalism itself. This way we must be aware of the fact that ultimately people will act (if they ever do) out of their own decision to do so and not moved by any sort of determinism whether economical or of any other kind. We must then make a clear distinction between conditioning (external factors that may or may not influence personal and collective behaviours) and determinism, which comes to be a kind of lay faith in that people will unavoidably act in a given way should the right set of conditions get to happen. For this view what the individuals themselves wish to do matters little more than horse shit compared to the ineluctability of superior and uncontrollable forces such as the “Laws of history” for example.

We must acknowledge the former and reject the latter turning ourselves into walking examples of the world we would like to see after our revolution, showing people who may not be involved in anything how things can be done in many different ways. We need to leave our comfortable ghettoes and get acquainted with those sectors of the population more liable to get affected by the present crisis and attempt to build new social networks of self-management in the most basic needs. Should we desire to pursue our generalised insurrection we will need to remember that we cannot just eat stones and drink petrol so a well organised rear-guard able to self-manage the basic supplies for entire neighbourhoods in order to resist the counter-attacks of the state and its terrorists will prove crucial in the years to come. This may well give rise to an effective anti-state counter power ready to learn, to spread constructive communication among rebels, to fight back and to make history. If the welfare state gets dismantled let us then begin to organise ourselves without any mediation or hierarchy. Let us attack the state and the market and snatch from them anything that might be useful for us, let us seize back the streets turning them into spaces of confrontation with our oppressors and organise ourselves in our own neighbourhoods to produce our own food, socialise the products of the looting, build our own weapons, put our individual and collective creativity to work in order to find our own solutions for the problems that may come up. This is not an impossible dream. Look back in our history and you will see many people before us already doing it and learning from their mistakes. This is happening now in countless indigenous communities of Latin America, in Greece, and in many other places we may have not heard about in the mainstream media.

Finally let us make clear that opposing Welfare state does not mean that we should abstain from fighting for specific reforms here and now, placing all our odds to a sort of abstract future in which the redemption of social revolution will come to us by itself. The thing is to do it in our own terms, through action and not compromising with the enemy. Thus, both short and long term objectives must be incorporated to our action; the struggle for immediate improvements in our survival under capitalist rule should at all moments go hand in hand with the wildest and most vivid desires for its destruction. Capitalism is synonym with merciless, war, cruelty, and exploitation. The state is there only to repress us, be it through violence or by softer reformist policies aiming at the maintenance of social peace but also keeping the same imbalances, the same difference between oppressors and oppressed, the slaves of the wage labour system against those who profit from it.


The solution therefore, is in ourselves, nowhere else.

Are we really up for it?...

Tuesday, 11 January 2011

TUNISIA AND ALGERIA... NO EXCUSES FOR OUR LACK OF SUPPORT!!


Algeria and Tunisia have been going through an insurrection of epic dimensions for more than one week due to the worsening of the economical situation and its impact in the live of millions of people from the lower social strata. In Tunisia the immolation of a fruit vendor in the city of Sidi Bouzid (he literally set himself on fire) was the spark that ignited a whole wave of fresh demos, rioting and brutal police repression with apparently more than 20 people murdered by the bastards in uniform. The rising in the prices of food and other basic goods as well as lack of freedom and rampant unemployment have also caused the riots to expand to the neighbouring country of Algeria.


What really surprises me is that none or at least very few fellow anarchist bloggers (at least among those I check nearly in a daily basis) seem to have bothered in posting something about events of such a magnitude. Neither any action has been planned or carried out in support of the workers, youth and common people bravely fighting their own exploiters and states in the streets of Algiers, Sidi Bouzid, Tunis, and others...

What is going on here?... could it be that the reputation of these 2 countries as "Islamic fundamentalist" dens make anything that may happen in them automatically uninteresting to our ethnocentric westernised mentalities?... can we see that Islamic fundamentalism may well be one of the many ways in which the local elites keep their people alienated and appeased to an extent and that this kind of control could possibly be starting to fade?. Are all Muslims "fundamentalists", "potential terrorists", could they also be rebellious and bear a wish for freedom and anarchy as apparently some grassroot Christians do?... is everything that happen in the territories within the sphere of influence of Islam inevitably biased by religious issues?...Have we already forgotten that the southern bereber region of Algeria (the Kabilia)saw during the whole year of 2001 one of the most inspiring examples of insurrection, anti-police feeling and anti-state self-organisation of the whole decade?...

As far as I can see we are talking about common people whose everyday struggle for sheer survival is meant to worsen to levels we could barely imagine in our "still not that bad" European continent... The fact that so many people literally run to any demonstration in support to the Palestinian struggle while no one seems to give a shit about the Algerian and Tunisian insurrections (comparable at all levels to the Greek riots after the murder of Alexandros Grigoropoulos and bearing so far a much higher death toll) strikes me as an utterly disgusting omission if not a pure and simple act of revolting hypocrisy.

Anarchist or not, those people are showing dignity, solidarity with each other,bravery and political consciousness and just for that we should support them in the same way we do with other comrades from different parts of the world. We should begin to build bridges and try to communicate (face to face if possible) with people from different cultural backgrounds and realities regardless the way in which they may be depicted or stereotyped by the mainstream media. Perhaps those about whom we know nothing today turn into the comrades of tomorrow.

And just to finish let me make a humble suggestion. A demo in support for those comrades in the Thessaloniki trial has been called for the 14 of January at 14:00 h in front of the Greek Embassy in London. For those who might not know this, the Algerian Embassy is also located in the Holland Park area (54, Holland Park), that is relatively close to the Greek one. Why not walking to this other embassy as well a little bit later with a banner or something?. Why not trying to increase the scope of our international solidarity by also rallying to the Tunisian embassy, located in Knightsbridge, close to the Albert Memorial (29 Princes Gate)?. Actually the 3 embassies are relatively close to each other so distance or transport is not a problem. See map here:


http://maps.google.co.uk/maps?hl=en&rlz=&um=1&ie=UTF-8&q=algerian+embassy&fb=1&gl=uk&hq=algerian+embassy&hnear=Islington&ei=FictTazaGeOAhAf5wf3FCQ&sa=X&oi=local_group&ct=image&resnum=2&ved=0CAcQtgMwAQ&iwloc=16297122620476754988

I am sure that the people literally fighting for their lives in Tunisia and Algeria would welcome any act of support, any action that could make them see that they are not alone and someone knows what is happening beyond the borders of their countries.

They deserve this and more... the same as we would if we found ourselves in a similar situation.

Wednesday, 5 January 2011

GAZA YOUTH BREAKS OUT MANIFESTO... SOMETHING NEW IS WAKING UP IN GAZA?...


Fuck Israel. Fuck Hamas. Fuck Fatah. Fuck UN. Fuck UNWRA. Fuck USA! We, the youth in Gaza, are so fed up with Israel, Hamas, Fatah, the occupation, the violations of human rights and the indifference of the international community! We want to scream and break this wall of silence, injustice and indifference like the Israeli F16’s breaking the wall of sound; scream with all the power in our souls in order to release this immense frustration that consumes us because of this fucking situation we live in; we are like lice between two nails living a nightmare inside a nightmare, no room for hope, no space for freedom. We are sick of being caught in this political struggle; sick of coal dark nights with airplanes circling above our homes; sick of innocent farmers getting shot in the buffer zone because they are taking care of their lands; sick of bearded guys walking around with their guns abusing their power, beating up or incarcerating young people demonstrating for what they believe in; sick of the wall of shame that separates us from the rest of our country and keeps us imprisoned in a stamp-sized piece of land; sick of being portrayed as terrorists, homemade fanatics with explosives in our pockets and evil in our eyes; sick of the indifference we meet from the international community, the so-called experts in expressing concerns and drafting resolutions but cowards in enforcing anything they agree on; we are sick and tired of living a shitty life, being kept in jail by Israel, beaten up by Hamas and completely ignored by the rest of the world.

There is a revolution growing inside of us, an immense dissatisfaction and frustration that will destroy us unless we find a way of canalizing this energy into something that can challenge the status quo and give us some kind of hope. The final drop that made our hearts tremble with frustration and hopelessness happened 30th November, when Hamas’ officers came to Sharek Youth Forum, a leading youth organization (www.sharek.ps) with their guns, lies and aggressiveness, throwing everybody outside, incarcerating some and prohibiting Sharek from working. A few days later, demonstrators in front of Sharek were beaten and some incarcerated. We are really living a nightmare inside a nightmare. It is difficult to find words for the pressure we are under. We barely survived the Operation Cast Lead, where Israel very effectively bombed the shit out of us, destroying thousands of homes and even more lives and dreams. They did not get rid of Hamas, as they intended, but they sure scared us forever and distributed post traumatic stress syndrome to everybody, as there was nowhere to run.

We are youth with heavy hearts. We carry in ourselves a heaviness so immense that it makes it difficult to us to enjoy the sunset. How to enjoy it when dark clouds paint the horizon and bleak memories run past our eyes every time we close them? We smile in order to hide the pain. We laugh in order to forget the war. We hope in order not to commit suicide here and now. During the war we got the unmistakable feeling that Israel wanted to erase us from the face of the earth. During the last years Hamas has been doing all they can to control our thoughts, behaviour and aspirations. We are a generation of young people used to face missiles, carrying what seems to be a impossible mission of living a normal and healthy life, and only barely tolerated by a massive organization that has spread in our society as a malicious cancer disease, causing mayhem and effectively killing all living cells, thoughts and dreams on its way as well as paralyzing people with its terror regime. Not to mention the prison we live in, a prison sustained by a so-called democratic country.

History is repeating itself in its most cruel way and nobody seems to care. We are scared. Here in Gaza we are scared of being incarcerated, interrogated, hit, tortured, bombed, killed. We are afraid of living, because every single step we take has to be considered and well-thought, there are limitations everywhere, we cannot move as we want, say what we want, do what we want, sometimes we even cant think what we want because the occupation has occupied our brains and hearts so terrible that it hurts and it makes us want to shed endless tears of frustration and rage!

We do not want to hate, we do not want to feel all of this feelings, we do not want to be victims anymore. ENOUGH! Enough pain, enough tears, enough suffering, enough control, limitations, unjust justifications, terror, torture, excuses, bombings, sleepless nights, dead civilians, black memories, bleak future, heart aching present, disturbed politics, fanatic politicians, religious bullshit, enough incarceration! WE SAY STOP! This is not the future we want!

We want three things. We want to be free. We want to be able to live a normal life. We want peace. Is that too much to ask? We are a peace movement consistent of young people in Gaza and supporters elsewhere that will not rest until the truth about Gaza is known by everybody in this whole world and in such a degree that no more silent consent or loud indifference will be accepted.

This is the Gazan youth’s manifesto for change!

We will start by destroying the occupation that surrounds ourselves, we will break free from this mental incarceration and regain our dignity and self respect. We will carry our heads high even though we will face resistance. We will work day and night in order to change these miserable conditions we are living under. We will build dreams where we meet walls.

We only hope that you – yes, you reading this statement right now! – can support us. In order to find out how, please write on our wall or contact us directly: freegazayouth[at]hotmail.com

We want to be free, we want to live, we want peace.

FREE GAZA YOUTH!

If you want to help, here are some ways for now:

1. Promoting our manifesto by sharing it
2. Sending an email to your friends asking them to join us in our different social accounts (Facebook, Twitter)
3. Translating the manifesto to your language and sending it to us
4. Sending the manifesto to journalists in your country
5. Making organizations in your countries that are concerned with the Palestinian issue and/or youth rights know about our existence
6. Posting links about violation of youth’s rights in Gaza on our wall
7. Planning an event in your country about this issue and/or organizing for a skype conference, where we are able to talk with a group of youth, politicians or others outside Gaza
8. Suggesting us ideas for reaching out to a greater number of people

GYBO (GAZA YOUTH BREAKS OUT)

Sunday, 19 December 2010

A SITUATIONIST UPRISING IN LONDON (by Dave and Stu)


WOW!
Slogans from a violent central London demonstration on December
9th, 2010 plus a note on a slogan by Patrick Cheval
The violent, inspiring ‘student’ demo in central London on December 9th 2010 was the most
imaginative demonstration we have ever been on including the annus mirabalis of 1968.
The Trotskyist left were very much pushed aside, even the clued-in but all too reductive
ultra-left hardly made a mark, as what was blatantly uppermost everywhere both in a
genial, friendly but vandalistically spirited atmosphere and in many a homemade, stuck
together, often gloriously-penned, cardboard placard was a kind of open-ended situationist
influenced communality; an individual collectivity you knew was just right because it felt
right. There was also a fair amount of spray-canned slogans on the base of the statues in
Parliament Square: Things like: ‘Demand the Impossible ‘ (very 1968) and ‘First Greece then
Paris now London in Insurrection’ followed by ‘ I wish I could say beautiful things but I can’t’ -
when they just had and hauntingly!
As for the placards consider the following: ‘Employed and Appalled’, ‘You can have my brain
when you take it from my cold dead hands’, ‘The University is a Factory: Strike, Occupation’, ‘I
wish my boyfriend was as dirty as the police’, ‘An arts for arts sake strike’, ‘Let them eat credit’,
‘Save money eat the poor’, ‘Apathy is Dead’, ‘I am Julien Assanage’, ‘Smile you are now on a
database’, ‘Don’t make us pay for what the W(B)ankers did’, ‘Fees rise / Class divide’ etc. Some
too were obviously quite sophisticated extensions around and about the fall out of modern art: ‘This
is not a placard’ (surely a running commentary on surrealist Rene Magritte’s, ‘This is not a pipe’
painting of a pipe?) and ‘This is not a good SIGN’ (surely a Duchampian commentary – and better
than the old geezer himself - on the aridity of post modernism?). And then there was something very
topical: a BBC ‘current affairs’ intellectual had just got caught out on with a spoonerism calling Tory
minister, Jeremy Hunt “Jeremy Cunt” thus putting every born again early 1070s feminist’s back-up.
What a windfall with placards saying ‘Fuck Fees. Stop the Cu*ts’, ‘Tories put the ‘n’ in cuts’,
‘Clegg/Cameron Cu*ts’ etc. And not forgetting the splendid posse of Muslim 15 year old gals (Brick
Lane Pakistanis?) wearing hijabs holding up a placard saying ‘Class War, Clegg is a Wanker’.
Also there were a series of large, hefty placards saying: ‘Negative Dialectics: Adorno’ (while on the
back) ‘Sentimental Education: Flaubert’. Others were, ‘One Dimensional Man: Marcuse’, ‘Down
and Out in London in Paris: George Orwell’, ‘Life against Death. N. O. Brown’. ‘Society of the
Spectacle’ Debord’ etc. For us one of these created the best incident of all. Not retiring intellectual
egg-heads some of this lot carrying them went right up front to the battle lines and a cop was
knocked off his horse by the ‘Negative Dialectics: Adorno’ placard (other protestors though were
helping in derailing the arsehole) to be whisked off to cop-hospital on the critically injured list. Some
distance away the placard on which was spelt out ‘The Society of the Spectacle : Debord’ was then
furiously mangled by another cop the remnants thrown on a protected grass verge fronting
Westminster Abbey! (This is all true and was witnessed by one of us).
Truth is the last few weeks has seen the biggest and most autonomous (well, on the way to getting
there) uprising of students (masked welfare proles in reality) the UK has ever seen and the art
students it seems are to the fore. Though most of the action (hardly critique) is about cuts in the art
and culture generally there’s a growing contingent beginning to point in the direction where the
transcendence of art lies. It’s shaping up to look like what bro’ and I did in 1968 WRIT LARGE;
admittedly more proletarianised today as there’s really no jobs / careers to be had at the end of the
line except for grovelling crawlers!

"In 1789 proletarians were necessary because work had to be done
In 1989 there is work but only because there are proletarians

After all critiques of work made by workers what is now important is the
suppression of work"



The above slogan was initially painted in very big letters on a wall in Paris in 1989. It was
conceived and executed by Patrick Cheval one of the original French situationists at the time
of the group’s dissolution in 1972. Though the slogan was removed by the usual officially
run anti- graffiti outfit, Jack de Montreuil (ex Os Cangaceiros) made it into a postcard.
Patrick Cheval is outstanding because he was one of the few bona fide situationists post
1968 who didn’t cop out (Neither did Sebastiani or Rene Reisel but there were others)
becoming a menial school caretaker. “Alas, alack poor Yorick”, Patrick was also an
uncontrollable alcoholic and a few short years after this slogan shone in brief brilliance, the
moonshine killed him. Before he died so youngggg Patrick wrote a book on fishes and fishing
which we hope to place on the RAP web once Jack de Montreuil fishes it out…..


Dave & Stu’


SLOGANS


Graffiti

First Greece then Paris now London in insurrection. I wish I could say beautiful things but I can`t

Demand the Impossible

Placards

Employed and Appalled.

You can have my brain when you take it from my cold dead hands.

Negative dialectics. Adorno (on the back - Sentimental Education. Flaubert
One Dimensional Man. Marcuse

Society of the Spectacle .Debord (later removed by the riot police defending Westminster Abbey)

Down and out in London and Paris.Orwell

Life against Death. N.O.Brown

The university is a factory, Strike Occupation.

You can have my brain when you take it from my cold dead hands

Tories put the `n` in cuts

Clegg/Cameron Cu-ts

Fuck Fees. Stop the Cu-ts

I wish my boyfriend was as dirty as the police

An arts for arts sake strike

Art against the cuts

`Let them eat credit`

Fees rise / Class divide

I am Julien Assanage

Save money eat the poor

This is not a good SIGN

This is not a placard

A tax on the rich not attacks on the poor

Apathy is Dead

Don`t make us pay for what the W/Bankers did

Smile you are now on a data base

We are doing it for estate kids

WHAT'S LEFT?, AGAINST THE MANAGEMENT OF THE STRUGGLE, FOR ITS SELF-ORGANISATION (BY RESONANCE)


This response rapidly went beyond what I expected to write and it is clear that these are massive issues which need lots of us working and experimenting on.



Spotted this short analysis of the recent student demonstrations here on indymedia. The article asks some huge questions and rightly critiques several elements of these protests. Whilst the questioning of Leftits management of struggle, forms of organisation and tactics of struggle are vital the answer proffered here aren’t quite as convincing. Whilst I’m certainly more sympathetic to insurrectionist arguments than many of my peers I feel this analysis needs to be engaged with and criticised. As empowering, exciting and refreshing as insurrectionist arguments can sometimes be, its familiar weaknesses are repeated here in this post. So, I hope that if the original authors of that article read this response they’ll accept it in a comradely fashion. These are massive questions we all need to work through, this will by necessity entail that at moment we all feel a little uncomfortable.



So, I’m going to assume you’ve read the article (go on, its only a couple of paragraphs). But, if you really can’t be bothered here is a brief summary.



Summary



The key question this article asks is “what role, if any, should Leftists take in these current struggles”.



The authors are very critical of those “that consider themselves already a ‘politically conscious’ and ‘active’ class”. They are the real target of this article. The authors suggest that they need to “know when to keep silent, when to step aside and to recognise that the opportunity being presented to them is to divest themselves of their own redundant, prescriptive and obstructive attachment to their own models of theory and action”.



These professionals of social change (on this topic see the often referenced, “Give Up Activism”) are criticised, ultimately for attempting to channel this explosive energy and rage into specific forms such as groups, networks etc. “ Because the activist project is not about rebellion nor about chaos. It is primarily a project of reigning in, of taming the unruly desire to break out of all constraints, to specialise it, professionalise it and rationalise it”. This is an interesting point and one which we must always challenge ourselves with.



Although not against organisation completely they argue, and perhaps rightly that “Formalising a struggle too early leads to the death of that conflictual tension”. They argue that “social force”, unrepresented, and non-formalised can spread outwards and resonate with other tensions before finding an end point with “fluid informal groupings of affinity”.



Also, rather dubiously, they argue that this composition emerges from attacks, from the bonds of friendship which can and do emerge in times of conflict on the streets. It is only in this way that we can, argue the authors, “escape dated concepts and forms”.



As for their own actions, in pointed opposition to many leftists they say they will operate in parallel to these struggles. In this way if a broadening occurs it will happen without being imprisoned within the bigger cage and longer chain of Leftist politics.



Towards New Forms of Organisation



The authors are rightly critical of what I would term the Old Left (the unions and their stewards, the socialist parties and their numerous “coalitions” and “networks”). These traditions, clearly, have failed to understand what is happening and are cynically attempting to piggy back the political capital which stands to be made by becoming the mouth piece of the (acceptable face) of the movement all the way to a cushy job in London. Aaron Porter, the AWL and SWP please take a bow.



In a different way it is also correct to criticise the “activists” (in both their liberal and radical forms) their impact on the struggle. Liberal and more radical activists are certainly shyer at attempting to direct these struggles than the Old Leftist Dinosaurs are. Noticeable also is the lack of “direct action” tactics we’ve seen in the past ten years. This, also, is a good thing. Who needs ten activists on a tripod when we have thousands of young people blocking roads, storming buildings and confronting the police together. What is noticeable with the activists is their real lack of noticeable involvement. The media are not focussing on the image of the, usually ubiquitous, masked anarchists for a reason, we are simply one small part of this, nothing else.



Whilst it is valuable to challenge the arrogance of many in the activist scene, those “specialists” in forms of direct action which seem deeply inappropriate for the current situation it seems slightly bizzarre to criticise legal support, kitchens and other forms of practical support. These, like the authors intend to do, enable these struggles not confine the choices that it can make.



One of the things the authors criticise is “email lists”. I can only assume this isn’t the form itself but merely short hand for activist, decentralised organising which is often as deeply disempowering as its centralised opposite. However, the question of organisation is key to the article and, I think, to the struggles, themselves. As well as the inspirational moments these struggles have been marked by familiar and not so familiar organisational problems from the SWP and other Trotskyist groups shamelessly hijacking events and causing splits to HE students privilege in articulating their version of these struggles vis-a-vis FE students to the NUS attempting to be the voice of something which is certainly not interested in them.



As appealing as anonymity and action can be, politics is as much about words as actions. A movement solely based on confrontation can not survive. Whilst the managers of capitalism become increasingly removed from the reality of the situation there are many out their with whom our struggles might resonate.



“We are not for continuing any of the structures or concepts given to us by democracy” – We cannot support the structures of capitalist democracy, of course. Yet this can not mean we reject the idea of organising at a scale beyond small groups. Without a space to articulate disagreements and develop, where we can, together, what is left? Explosive rage? How far can that take us? And where? Anti-Austerity politics are not necessarily progressive, rage at finance capital and austerity can filter in many ways. Are we expected to simply move alongside and hope for the best?



The authors of the text are certainly very supportive of any thing that attacks the current state of affairs yet if we don’t build anew as we attack then we are destined to fail. This building includes new political ideas (a new grammar for our actions) as well as networks, spaces etc. The success of struggles such as greece has occurred with the simultaneous development of assemblies, spaces, infrastructure. To borrow a quote from Gilles Dauve, “A communist revolution will never resemble a slaughter: not from any nonviolent principle, but because revolution subverts more (soldiers included) than it actually destroys”. To focus on violence misses the true point of revolution, the subversion, the changing of society.



How do we do this? Or, The Path is Made by Walking.

We must reject the activist notion of education, of being in possession of the secrets to society which merely need imparting to an ignorant population. We aren’t missionaries. We need to look to what we can learn from each other. These struggles contain, implicitly, a critique of most of the political spectrum. Against parliament, the unions, political parties (including the Greens) and the mostly irrelevant Left. If we are part of this, not outside of it and certainly not above it, then we can engage with it. The question is how we can do this whilst leaving our prejudices, privileges and dogmas at the door. Spaces for discussions on aspects of the politics or skill shares can be done in non-hierachical ways which respect the autonomy of those involved. Whilst the authors suggest we need to know when to stay silent, I’d suggest we need to know when to speak and how to encourage others also to speak. We need to recognise forms of micro-fascism, of hierarchy and control within our actions and of those we see as comrades. Although difficult, a frank attempt at this helps to develop more inclusive and dynamic spaces and moments, certainly more inclusive than glamorising conflict and violence as the authors of this article and insurrectionists in general are prone to do. Whilst the levels of militancy have been truly inspiring, they are certainly not massively inclusive nor self-sustainable. Much of this refers to my thoughts on popular education over the previous weeks. What would the composition of a new politics look like? Certainly not stale occupations (as are happening in many occupied university spaces here in the UK), political parties or subtly coercive workshops? Are the new threads of organisation visible in the here and now?



In conclusion this article asks lots of the right questions but perhaps offers little by the way of answers. This is certainly a massive topic and there will inevitably be many different answers but I feel that the answers they offer are lacking. Whilst the December struggles certainly do “feel like the beginning”, the question is the beginning of what? Rage can only last so long, how do we make this resonate whilst battling the Leftist urge to lead, co-ordinate or confine the struggle? I’m sure that small, informal groupings are enough and am excited about working out together what forms are appropriate.



Resonance.

TEXTS ON THE RECENT LONDON "STUDENT" RIOTS (source: UK Indymedia)


WHAT FOLLOWS IS A SERIES OF TEXTS REGARDING THE LAST "STUDENT" RIOTS IN LONDON AND THE NEW TACTICS THAT APPARENTLY EMERGED DURING THE EVENT. THEY REFLECT A FEW SIMILAR BUT NOT TOTALLY IDENTICAL VIEWS ABOUT THE ISSUE AND HOW TO CONTINUE THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE STATE AND CAPITALISM IN THE UK. GOOD MATERIAL THAT SEEMS TO PROVE THE FACT THAT SOMETHING IS CHANGING IN THIS PART OF THE WORLD. LET'S KEEP THE DEBATE ALIVE ALONG WITH THE STRUGGLE THEN.

HERE THEY GO:

RIOTOUS ASSEMBLIES OF NOT REASONABLE DISSENT


The atmosphere of UK State repression and 'queen's peace' was definitively broken on the 10th November 2010, when the Millbank Tower, Conservative Party HQ, was stormed by a mob of malcontents, during a demonstration against student fees

The roof-top scenes of occupation and property destruction dispelled the long-held belief that the cops have the upper hand on the streets of the United Kingdom, and especially in the open-CCTV-prison of London. Something much more occurred that day than the complete trashing of the ruling political party's headquarters in the capital city - an aching festive class violence was openly expressed and transmitted everywhere via global media, to all others in resistance around the world.

Again this incredible force was experienced on 9 December, and it still only felt like the beginning.

The opportunity of this moment is the opportunity for mass social rebellion. And within this is the necessity for those that consider themselves already a 'politically conscious' and 'active' class to know when to keep silent, when to step aside and to recognise that the opportunity being presented to them is to divest themselves of their own redundant, prescriptive and obstructive attachment to their own models of theory and action.

Numerous 'interactions' ('direct action skillshares/trainings', 'meetings', calls for a centralising 'Network'/Platform) have popped up over the past couple of weeks during the student uprisings. There is certainly value in telling people to mask up in demos, for example, or what to do when arrested, but is there really a value in 'teaching' rebellion, aside from the need of those teaching it to assert their own ego and present themselves as experts in struggle? In the recent riots, the crowd didn't need to be trained or incited to attack police vehicles and occupy or destroy buildings, it occurs anywhere the people feel confident enough to resist openly en masse.

The anti-capitalist 'struggle' in the UK has, in the last ten years, largely produced nothing worthwhile aside from myriad activist quangoes and some nice careers. If we need to fill any holes in our political identities, let's fill them with curiosity. No sooner does authentic fury explode in the streets, then activist initiatives spring up seeking to manage it, to democratise it, to control it: the beauty of the unknown is at once crushed into the machinery of the leftist bureaucrats. Rolling out the decades failing interminable script, - action medics, people's kitchens, workshops, email lists, ad nauseam – and calling upon the controllables – climate camp, social activist groups, federations, reformist single-issue campaigns; all the tranquilising themes – so that the social managers can attempt to make it palatable and compliant to their careerist manipulations, as frightened of the uncontrollable as the state.

In the last five years, very few of the 'conscious political' class - the activists - have succeeded in getting out of a kettle nor finding their projects developing into one of attack. Because - as the young people and the angry know - to get out of a kettle requires a project of chaos and attack. And that is precisely what the activist cannot and will not engage in, beyond the symbolic.

Why? Because the activist project is not about rebellion nor about chaos. It is primarily a project of reigning in, of taming the unruly desire to break out of all constraints, to specialise it, professionalise it and rationalise it.

The activist project is the maintenance of a self-aggrandising, elitist and fictitious movement. It is a policed theatre of diversion and deference organised by social managers and leftist incompetents. It is an easily infiltrated and repressed illusion full of substitute activities for the well-meaning to waste their time with. How useful for the State to have open umbrella organisations of activism which can pressure people into certain types of conforming and exploitable democratic behaviour, all under the double-speak banner of 'inclusivity', 'consensus' and 'diversity of tactics'. Activism is 'political' thought and 'political' engagement as an impediment to real struggle.

It is the very experience of embedding oneself in a 'politically-conscious' scene and the rules that are built up within it that can lead to paralysis and counter-revolution. In the moment when you need to defend yourself, pick up and throw stones or set fire to a target or barricade, those already entrenched in a morass of theories, debates and dubious ideas of alliance and affinity, many of those who imagine themselves holding some kind of blueprint for social change or revolution and feeling the need for 'intervention', pause, and back off from the clash.

We will not attend any “anti-cuts” activist gatherings nor will we send 'delegates' as if we were some organisational department or cheap NGO. We are not for continuing any of the structures or concepts given to us by democracy.

Those who would 'intervene' must take some time to ask themselves whether they simply wish to constrain within their own limits of thought, understanding and action, an emerging rebellion. Let the young people create new, unpredicted pathways. Let us break our own patterns, and then destroy that most insidious police force – that within us which wields batons of ideology, and which hides it's own impotence, historical inefficacy and fear behind crash barriers of 'necessary infrastructure' and 'organisation'. We want the time to see what comes out of real chaos. Out of rebellion into freedom.

Formalising a struggle too early leads to the death of that conflictual tension; without formalisation there is only social force, which cannot be repressed through its representations, it spreads and detonates social conditions through existing class conflicts and rage. It eventually finds fluid form in informal groupings of affinity through which we can communicate as equals, rather than as stereo-types. Self-management of our struggle, not our everyday drudgery, begins through organising attacks; it is in the highly charged space of the attack – the experience of freedom - that the individual and collective mind, realising in an instant its volition, power, self-determination and willful vitality, can escape dated concepts and forms.

We are not suggesting that we'll not engage in the student uprisings - or any other uprising - but we'll do so with the aim of meeting others with whom we might share a theoretical and tactical affinity for the purpose of social revolution.

We know who we are, what we think and what we desire. We'll continue acting as we always have, alongside and within the coming storm. Understanding these parameters of our own consciousness and practice of engagement, what we plan for is to ride this new social energy, to enable it to give more power to the attacks that we anyway make, and hope that by contributing alongside the new rebel class - not by intervening in its development, we can broaden the struggle without imprisoning its potentiality within the usual cage of reasonable dissent, activism and identity politics. We wish to leave space for others to do the same. It will not be the case that if we attended a meeting of students, we would succeed in persuading them all to our vision of rebellion or of an alternative future world. Nor is there any possibility that at such a meeting, we would be persuaded suddenly to a position of reform or non-violence. As far as we are concerned, the system can only be fought through widespread violent means at street-level, blockading and sabotaging the flow of the economy, spreading the distribution of resources to the social majority and halting wage slavery through mass force.

As we are seeing, the anger is encompassing those people who are not part of the student movement, but have every reason to hate the police and the system.

No more will we remain concealed, once again we can draw a clear line between ourselves and the enemy, the exploiter class.

We call on all those who have made a decision to attack to develop our efforts and interlinked struggles at the base. Let's forge an aggressive push against the global system and it's representations.

For the spread of the riots.

NEW ALEXANDRIA (A SURRALIST INTERPRETATION)

Sheets of paper, sheets of flame. The Romans are burning the Great Library again.
Today the Liberals and Tories, the British ruling class’s oldest parties, are
voting on their own plans to eat the young. Like the Labour government before
them, they have realised that educating working-class youth is an unnecessary
expense. University fees must rise, subsidies to support teenagers through school
must go, and there need be no more pretence that education is for the benefit of
anything other than capital.

While the MPs are voting, students will be protesting and resisting heroically, as
they have been over the last few weeks, and the ruling class will once again send
squads of riot police against them. Schoolkids whose future educations are being
stolen from them will instead receive extra lessons in applied batons and horse
charges.

As revolutionary Surrealists – and as students, ex-students and education workers,
and people who have been taught to read and write – we hardly need to say that we
are viscerally opposed to this assault on youth and education. We will fight these
education cuts with all the means at our disposal. But we will not do so in the
name of defending education. Britain’s education system in its current form is
frankly not worth defending.

Cringing Liberals have been pointing to the post-1992 expansion of higher
education to justify the fee hikes, arguing that the massive increase in student
numbers has made the system unsustainably expensive. Many of those who oppose the
rise in fees – including the so-called left wing of the very Labour Party which
introduced tuition fees in the first place – say that this newly accessible
university is precisely what must be ‘defended’.

But those of us who have worked and studied on these intellectual factory farms
know that education in this country has been nothing short of a disaster, from Key
Stage 2 SATS to the Research Excellence Framework. Children fed poetry that’s been
reduced to the literary equivalent of Turkey Twizzlers; students told that
politically flabby post-New Left bullshit is the way to make sense of ‘culture’;
academics chasing ever-decreasing funding by publishing in elitist journals with
ever-decreasing readerships… Defend that crap? Not on your life.

Where, in all of this, is the beautiful savagery of the mind? Where are the things
that are appalling to know, that score the flesh with their uselessness and
wonder? Learning is no commodity: it’s an acid to burn money. Bound in human skin,
it’s the toxic arcane to be championed, explored, succumbed to, seduced by,
conquered. It’s traced in golden words of fire that fall blazing from the page,
flaring and dying as we read them, gone in an explosion of unknown suns.

The only library that we defend is the one that’s set alight by its own blazing.
Sheets of paper, sheets of flame. The Great Library will burn down Rome.


NOTES ON THE VIOLENT MINORITY


A text drafted during the November 2010 university occupations focussing on liberal ideology, state repression and the student movement.

The Millbank riot and some of the subsequent student protests have been widely condemned in the media as the actions of a 'violent minority'. NUS president Aaron Porter infamously described the riot as ‘despicable’. Property destruction, we were told, undermined the message of the NUS’ peaceful protest. This was the behaviour of ‘anarchists’, outsiders hijacking what would otherwise be respectable political protest in a liberal democracy. But liberals would do well to reflect on their own glass house before casting such rhetorical stones.
Liberalism: doctrine of the violent minority

Liberalism in fact is nothing but the ideology of minority violence par excellence. Margaret Thatcher’s favourite thinker, Adam Smith, was refreshingly frank about this back in the 18th century:

“Laws and government may be considered in this and indeed in every case as a combination of the rich to oppress the poor, and preserve to themselves the inequality of the goods which would otherwise be soon destroyed by the attacks of the poor, who if not hindered by the government would soon reduce the others to an equality with themselves by open violence.” (source)

The father of liberalism, John Locke, was equally candid: private property was prior to government, and government existed to protect private property. Consequently, property is freedom, and only proprietors should have political representation in the state. For liberalism legitimate political violence is that of the state, exercised to defend the privilege of the propertied minority (Locke’s ‘right to revolt’ only applied should a government fail to do this). Despite the bitter struggles to extend the franchise beyond the male propertied elite, it still does this remarkably well. The Liberal Democrats’ pre-meditated abandonment of their pledge on tuition fees is only the latest example. Much like Aaron Porter, subsequent self-serving backtracking notwithstanding, they stand at odds with those they purport to represent.

This has led many to say they’re not doing their job. Our representatives are meant to represent us, and they’re not doing an adequate job. This completely misunderstands the nature of representative politics. The string of ‘bad apples’ that have headed the NUS; warmonger Jack Straw, racist liar Phil Woolas, despicable Aaron Porter; the undeniable Machiavellianism of politicians who say whatever it takes to get elected then go back on their word once in office… These are not exceptions but the rule. Representation produces so many bad apples because it is rotten to the roots. It was designed to empower the propertied class and it does so like clockwork. The problem is not that ‘our representatives’ aren’t doing their job but that they exist.
Chomsky meets Gramsci

Once elevated to positions of power, with the salaries, prestige and privileges to match, representatives no longer share our interests. Careerist NUS bureaucrats and lying politicians are a symptom not a cause, the problem is the inherent divergence of interests between representatives and the represented, which forever frustrates attempts to replace ‘bad’ representatives with ‘good’ ones, who go bad in turn. Representation means elected officials are empowered to speak for and take decisions on behalf of those who elected them, as opposed to simply carrying out the will of the electors (as with mandated delegates). Guy Debord had the Leninist dictatorships in mind when he wrote that “the representation of the working class radically opposes itself to the working class” (source), but the point generalises to representation itself. So if the system’s rotten, how does it survive?

Clearly, it does not do so by brute force alone. Unlike the various flavours of tyrannical regime, liberal democracy requires a large degree of consent, without which the rule of the propertied can only be enforced by brute force – too much of which reduces liberal democracy to straightforward tyranny. This consent is not a natural phenomenon, but is constantly being manufactured. The role of the free press here is central – as the headlines following the Millbank riot would suggest.

Noam Chomsky’s famous ‘propaganda model’ explains how this works, without the direct political censorship of dictatorial regimes nor resort to conspiracy. Rather the media consist of businesses that aim to make a profit by selling a product to a customer. However the product is not neutral information sold to readers - the media make most of their money by selling their audience's attention to advertisers, which in turn means that information is subjected to different pressures and filters. The information reported is shaped by business interests and corporate hierarchies : at the top sit corporate and state interests, and like in any hierarchy, promotion is achieved by pleasing your superiors. Writing cutting exposes of said corporate and state interests is a sure-fire way to abort a promising career. The safer path is to internalise the expected line and repeat it like Pavlov’s dog.

Altogether now: ‘the violence was despicable’, ‘anarchist infiltrators’, ‘outside agitators’, ‘ruining it for the majority’… We even see this working with the unpaid careerists around the student press. In York, the student paper has even been identifying students who took part in the occupation of Millbank. The aspiring Pavlovian editors are no doubt eager to bolster their CVs with examples that they’ve learned the correct script. In a year or two, they’ll likely be on the dole queue with the rest of us, if they aren’t copying and pasting press releases for some local paper somewhere. But hey, maybe if they grass up enough students they’ll get a foot on the propaganda ladder, manufacturing consent.
Hegemony and repression

The consent thus manufactured is what the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci called hegemony, where the ideas of the ruling class – the propertied - are accepted by the majority. Thus liberalism is the default ideology of capitalism. Pretty much all of us start off as liberals, and only change our ideas when certain facts hit us in the face. Sometimes those facts are batons.

Since liberal democracy rules by hegemony and not brute force alone, using too much repression undermines itself. While liberal regimes have historically turned into illiberal ones when faced with internal unrest (we need only think of the Weimar Republic), in general hegemonic rule is far more stable, easier to maintain and more conducive to capitalist economics than plain old tyranny. Thus the violence of liberal democratic states can be self-defeating. An example is the occupations here at Sussex uni earlier this year.

When students occupied management offices in Sussex House in March, management fabricated a hostage situation and called in riot police (clearly they knew perjury charges wouldn’t be brought against the defenders of property). The subsequent police violence hastened the end of the occupation, but created a massive backlash on campus. The next week, hundreds of students occupied the Arts A2 lecture theatre in direct defiance of a High Court injunction.

The first time, no major laws were broken and the police attacked with violence not seen on campus for some time (the videos are still on YouTube). The second time, over a thousand students and staff openly broke the law with impunity. No doubt the state had the violent capacity to evict the occupation. But it felt unable to use it for fear of losing legitimacy and weakening their hegemony.
Direct action, not representation

So direct action like occupations or the Millbank riot opens up a counter-hegemonic space that not only challenges the state but exploits a chink in its armour. And few who take part in such actions are unchanged by the experience. Once you’ve broken a window or punched a cop, or even simply left the route of the sanctioned A-B march against the orders of cops or stewards, liberal democratic hegemony never quite has the same hold over you. Once you’ve read the newspapers take on events you experienced first hand, you can never quite take them at face value again.

"Direct Action is a notion of such clarity, of such self-evident transparency, that merely to speak the words defines and explains them. It means that the working class, in constant rebellion against the existing state of affairs, expects nothing from outside people, powers or forces, but rather creates its own conditions of struggle and looks to itself for its means of action." - Émile Pouget

Direct action is fundamentally opposed to the politics of representation. It means the dispossessed – i.e. those of us who don’t own enough property to make a living – taking action for themselves independently of, and invariably against those who claim to represent them. It can mean strikes, occupations, riots, blockades. It is strongest when it is done on a mass scale, involving people who’ve never taken such action before.

Representatives want to channel anger into safe outlets which don’t challenge existing power structures – of which they are a part. They oppose direct action so vehemently, so reflexively precisely because it renders them superfluous. If they had it their way, we’d all peacefully march through London, chant some slogans, then go home. A million marchers didn’t stop the war. The difference between representative politics and direct action is the difference between saying ‘Not in my name’ and ‘No fucking way’, between feeling like you’re doing something and fighting to win.

With the vicious, and yes, violent austerity programme, the stakes are simply too high for all of us to do anything else: the future they have written for us is call centres and SSRIs. The Millbank riot has to be just the beginning. It has to set the tone. In 1912, the Suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst wrote:

"There is something that governments care for more than human life, and that is the security of property, and so it is through property that we shall strike the enemy.... Those of you who can break windows—break them."

We need not necessarily break windows, but we will need to break some laws. In doing so, we’ll no doubt meet the uniformed violent minority of liberalism, defending the interests of the propertied, of capital, of austerity. No riot, no matter how spectacular will reverse the austerity programme alone. But widespread direct action in our campuses, towns and workplaces just might. In 2006, French students reversed the CPE law which attacked the rights of young workers after weeks of rolling direct action, including the use of economic blockades of strategic targets – train stations, department stores, major junctions... It can be done, and as friends new and old, lovers and strangers we can do it.

Brucie Bonus


(Response to the 1st text by RIOTOUS ASSEMBLITS FOR NOT REASONABLE DISSENT)



THROWING THE BABY OUT WITH THE BATHWATER


I think there is certainly some validity in the arguments the article makes; there are pitfalls in the activist mindset/ghetto which can sometimes act to restrict a more spontaneous movement. And clearly 'activists' have to learn to be humble and ensure that their interventions are not motivated by ego.

Having said all that, based on my experiences I think you are exaggerating these problems massively. In my locality I think it's fair to say that anti-capitalist activists have either got involved in these new struggles, with a humble attitude and an eye to supporting and radicalising them, or (in some cases) not got involved at all. I haven't seen any activists acting as a restraining force; on the contrary in some of the earlier local demos here they were the ones at the front taking the most militant action and urging others to as well.

Finally, it's complete bollocks to discard organisation altogether. Unless, next time you are beaten by police you plan to reject the help of action medics? Or refuse the food of activist kitchens when you are hungry after being kettled for hours? Thought not.


WHY SO DIVISIVE?


The majority of students having not been engaging in radical tactics for very long, I don't see the engagement of activist groups in the current protests as a bad thing. It has been shown to be easy for those new to direct action to just as quickly give up when the momentum stops rolling and numbers dwindle.

Anarchist, anti-capitalist and environmental theories and movements are growing in strength thanks to tireless life long activism from people of all ages. Some tactics may be getting entrenched, but this is obvious to most of us and staying mobile and adaptable is what most activists strive for - unfortunately there is no current rallying point to draw this out.

Perhas when we are on the streets we don't draw the same attention as the mass student protests, but many of the issues interlink with the activist community, so why should it step aside to let the 'young people' stand alone?

My point is that activists for the most part are simply good open minded people doing their best to right oppression and giving up huge portions of their time in that work. There is no insidious sense of wanting to enact a new government and rein in anyone who differs in opinion - most activists I know are resoundingly anarchistic and fighting for freedom, not a new hierarchy of 'more conscious than you so do as I say' (at least I would hope not)